Democrat Broadsheet (Number 19)
Trade unions, the right to strike and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights
The EU
Charter of Fundamental Rights has a chequered history and a purpose which is
not in the interests of the labour and trade union movements across the EU or
people in general. The Charter would remove long-established rights. The power
to do so would be in the hands of an
EU Court
This Charter
has been inserted into the proposed EU state Constitution. Article 28 of the
Charter - the Right of collective bargaining and action states:-
"Workers
and employers, or their respective organisations, have, in accordance with
Union law and national laws and practices, the right to negotiate and conclude
collective agreements at the appropriate levels and, in cases of conflicts of
interest, to take collective action to defend their interests, including strike
action."
It beggars simple common sense that there is an attempt by some circles in the labour
movement to focus minds on this article and especially the concluding three
words - including strike action. This is a callous attempt to sell a
certificate of approval for the whole EU Constitution so as not to upset a
largely discredited and unpopular new Labour Government.
This exercise
is being carried out without any hint or regard for the dire implications for
democracy, peace, the public sector, privatisation, judicial matters and human
rights.
Charter Convention
The Charter
was drafted by a previous EU Convention to the EU Constitution Convention
headed by former French President Giscard de'Staing. The Charter Convention was made up of the EU
Commission President, representatives from Member State Governments, national
parliaments and European Parliament.
The EU Charter of Fundamental Rights was solemnly agreed at the Nice EU summit which
was unable to agree inclusion of this Charter in the Nice Treaty of 2001. Britain took part in the solemn agreement.
Several
questions are raised by the inclusion of the EU Charter in the Constitution.
There is already in existence:-
+ The 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. *
+ The 1950
European Convention on Human Rights **
+ The 1989
European Social Charter which became the Social Chapter of the
Maastricht
Treaty of 1992.
Britain had an opt-out of the Social Chapter until the current Labour Government signed
up to the Chapter in 1997.
EU Court of Justice
The European
Union Court of Justice*** stated it wanted the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights
as a guide to making judgements and for the Charter to become part of EU law
and hence the judicial process.
Given both
the Universal Declaration and especially the long-standing and well-tried
European Convention on Human Rights, why is there any need for the EU Charter
to become part of EU law and subject to the EU's own
court?
On behalf of
the EU the EU's own Court wants to take to itself the
power to decide fundamental rights. This is instead of leaving these profound
and far-reaching matters to the Court of Human Rights at the Council of Europe
in Strasbourg based on the Convention of Human Rights.
Extension of EU powers
Incorporating
the EU Charter into the EU Constitution will mean a huge extension of EU powers
over the citizens of every Member State as most policy matters can be interpreted as having a human rights dimension.
It will make the EU Court of Justice supreme over national Constitutions, the
Statues at Westminster and Supreme Courts as regards all human and civil rights matters affected by EU law. The
EU Court will have the power to decide the boundary
between EU law and national law in human rights matters.
The role and
history of this EU Court is to further the interests of the EU. This includes the European Single Market
which is defined as the "free movement of capital, services, goods and
people [meaning labour]". Competition is part of the ethos and thrust of
the EU where big capital and jobs are exported and moved out of
Britain to the extent that trade unions have forecast that manufacturing will disappear
altogether.
EU definition
The official
"Explanation" of Article II-28 in the EU Constitution itself states
that:
"The
right of collective action was recognised by the European Court of Human Rights
as one of the elements of trade union rights laid down by Article 11 of the European
Convention of Human Rights."
The
"Explanation" further states:
The "limits
for the exercise of collective action, including strike action, come under
national laws and practices, including the question of whether it may be
carried out in parallel in several Member States."
Horizontal Article
Article II-52
has to be taken into account in regard to collective action. This all-embracing
Article does not lay down any specific limitations but makes clear such rights
could be removed if that was considered justified: "if they are
necessary and genuinely meet objectives of general interest recognised by the
Union"
or the need to protect the rights and freedoms of others." It would therefore be the EU Court, and not parliament at Westminster, which would have the ultimate power to determine whether or not restrictions on
collective bargaining, strike action or a general strike would be permitted.
Most
important of all is the principle that if a right is fundamental then it cannot
and must not be removed. But Article 11-52 says precisely that. The EU Court can remove fundamental rights.
In other
words there is no way around the restrictive trade union legislation according
to national laws imposed by Thatcher which the current Labour Government has carried
over from the previous Tory Government. Further, to go along with an EU Charter
of Fundamental Rights to sell the EU Constitution to the labour and trade union
movement would mean fewer rights than we have now, besides the multitude of other profound implications indicated above.
Past struggles for rights
The right to
collective bargaining and to strike has to be taken by a workforce or trade
union using its own resources. This goes back to the roots of our rights
including the Tolpuddle Martyrs. No rights have ever
been given on a plate. They have all had to be established after considerable
effort and then defended. It is the labour and trade movement in the past which
has fought and won many of our rights which entailed human sacrifice.
The EU
Charter does not sanctify the right to strike and in fact makes clear this
could be taken away in the "need to protect the rights and freedoms of others. To get rid of the Thatcher anti-trade union legislation requires extra parliamentary action in Britain by the labour and trade union movement and not reliance on laws or charters
penned by elite politicians or bureaucrats in Brussels.
It is
imperative that all the implications for democracy, peace and human rights
including the right to strike be discussed and understood across the labour and
trade union movement before coming to any conclusion about the EU Constitution.
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* Agreed at
the United Nations.
** The court
for this is in Strasbourg which is part of the Council of Europe with 45 Member States.
*** This EU
court is in Luxembourg
.
The EU has 25 Member States. This court is one of the six EU Institutions.
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Report by
JOHN BOYD - Secretary of the Campaign against Euro-federalism and chairman of TEAM the international alliance of euro-critical
organisations.